羅斯福于1933年在白宮的第一次就職演講

羅斯福于1933年在白宮的第一次就職演講 英文版

Mr. Chief Justice and friends，

This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our People impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.

So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.

In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.

And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.

Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.

True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.

Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.

Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.

Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, an on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live. Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.

Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.

Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.

Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped merely by talking about it.

We must act. We must act quickly.

Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people’s money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.

These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.

Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.

The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America—a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.

In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.

If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.

We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.

With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.

Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.

It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.

I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.

But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis—broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.

For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.

We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.

We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.

In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God. May He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to come.

羅斯福于1933年在白宮的第一次就職演講 中文版

首席法官先生，朋友們：

值此我就職之際，同胞們肯定期望我以我國當(dāng)前情勢所要求的坦率和果斷來發(fā)表演說?，F(xiàn)在確實尤其有必要坦白而果敢地談一談?wù)媲閷崨r，全部的真情實況。我們沒有必要去躲閃，不去老老實實地面對我國今天的情況。我們的國家過去經(jīng)得起考驗，今后還會經(jīng)得起考驗，復(fù)興起來，繁榮下去。

因此，首先，允許我申明我的堅定信念：我們唯一值得恐懼的就是恐懼本身——會使我們由后退轉(zhuǎn)而前進(jìn)所需的努力陷于癱瘓的那種無名的、沒有道理的、毫無根據(jù)的害怕。在我們國家生活中每一個黑暗的時刻，直言不諱、堅強(qiáng)有力的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)都曾經(jīng)得到人民的諒解和支持，從而保證了勝利。我堅信在當(dāng)前的危機(jī)時期，你們也會再一次對領(lǐng)導(dǎo)表示支持。

我和你們都要以這樣一種精神來面對共同的困難。感謝上帝，這些困難都只是物質(zhì)方面的。價值貶縮到難以想象的程度;賦稅增加了;我們納稅的能力則已降低;各級政府都遇到嚴(yán)重的收入減少;嘆交換手段難逃貿(mào)易長流冰封，看工業(yè)企業(yè)盡成枯枝殘葉;農(nóng)場主的產(chǎn)品找不到市場;千萬個家庭的多年積蓄毀于一旦。更重要的是，大批的失業(yè)公民面臨嚴(yán)峻的生存問題，而艱苦勞動卻所得甚微的也不在少數(shù)。只有愚蠢的樂天派才能否認(rèn)眼前的暗淡現(xiàn)實。

但是，我們的困難并不是由于實質(zhì)上的失敗。我們沒有遭到什么蝗蟲之害。我們的祖先篤信上帝，無所畏懼，因而所向披靡，比起他們的艱險，我們還該說是萬幸。大自然的施惠不減，而人的努力更是使其倍增。我們手頭并不匱乏，然而豐足卻激發(fā)不起來慷慨的用度。

這首先是因為掌握人類物品交換的統(tǒng)治者們的頑固和無能，他們承認(rèn)失敗而自動退位。貪得無厭的錢商們在輿論的法庭上被宣告有罪，是為人類思想感情上所厭棄的。

他們也的確作了努力，但是他們的努力脫不開過時傳統(tǒng)的窠臼。面對著信用的失敗，他們的建議卻僅是借貸更多的錢。他們失去了利潤的吸引力，無法再使人民遵從他們的虛偽領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，于是他們就不惜進(jìn)行敲詐，痛哭流涕地要求恢復(fù)對他們的信任。他們沒有預(yù)見，而缺乏預(yù)見就要使人民遭殃。

錢商們從我們文化廟堂的高位逃走了。我們現(xiàn)在可以使那廟堂恢復(fù)傳統(tǒng)的信念。能夠恢復(fù)到什么程度，則看我們對于比金錢利潤更高貴的價值觀念予以運(yùn)用的情況。

幸福并不建筑在僅僅擁有金錢上;它建筑在有所成就引起的歡樂，創(chuàng)造性工作所激發(fā)出的快感。一定不要在瘋狂地追求瞬息即逝的利潤中再去忘記勞動給我們帶來的歡樂和精神上的鼓舞。我們在這些暗淡的日子里所付的代價將是完全值得的，如果我們從中汲取教訓(xùn)，認(rèn)識到我們不應(yīng)該聽天由命，而應(yīng)該讓命運(yùn)為我們自己和我們的同胞服務(wù)。

認(rèn)識到把物質(zhì)財富當(dāng)作成功的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)是錯誤的，也就不會再相信擔(dān)任公職和很高的政治地位之所以可貴僅僅在于官高祿厚;同時也必須終止金融業(yè)和商業(yè)中的一種做法，它常常使得神圣的委托深似無情和自私的惡行。難怪信心在減退，因為只有誠實、榮譽(yù)感、神圣的責(zé)任心、忠貞的維護(hù)和無私的作為才能鼓舞信心。沒有這一切，信心就不能存在。然而復(fù)興并不僅僅要求改變道德觀念。祖國要求行動起來，現(xiàn)在就行動起來。

我們的首要任務(wù)是給人民工作。我們只要明智而勇敢地承擔(dān)起來，這項任務(wù)并不是不能解決的。部分地可以由政府直接招雇，像戰(zhàn)時緊急狀況那樣，同時通過雇用這些人員來完成急需的工程，從而促進(jìn)和改組我們自然資源的利用。

與此同時，我們還必須認(rèn)識到工業(yè)中心已經(jīng)人口過剩，因此應(yīng)盡力把土地提供給最善于耕種的人，一方面使土地得到更好地利用，一方面在全國范圍重新分配人口。

為了促成此項工作，要采取具體措施提高農(nóng)產(chǎn)品價值，從而提高對我們城市產(chǎn)品的購買力。要從實際出發(fā)制止對小房產(chǎn)和農(nóng)場取消償還抵押所造成的悲劇和日益嚴(yán)重的損失。要堅持由聯(lián)邦和各州以及各地方政府立即采取行動支持大量削減抵押的要求。要把救濟(jì)工作統(tǒng)一掌管起來以避免目前的分散、浪費(fèi)和不均的現(xiàn)象。要把一切形式的交通運(yùn)輸和其他明確屬于公用事業(yè)的設(shè)施置于國家計劃和監(jiān)督之下?？傊?，可以促成此項工作的方法是很多的，唯有空談無用。

我們必須行動起來，迅速行動起來。

最后，在恢復(fù)階段中，我們需要避免舊秩序弊端重新出現(xiàn)的兩項保證：必須嚴(yán)格監(jiān)督一切銀行儲蓄、信貸和投資，以制止利用他人存款進(jìn)行投機(jī)的活動;必須提供充分而有償付能力的貨幣。

這就是我們的行動路線。我即將向新的國會的特別會議提出實施這些路線的具體措施，我還將要求各州立即提供支援。

通過此項行動綱領(lǐng)，我們將致力于整頓財政，平衡收支。我們的國際貿(mào)易關(guān)系雖然十分重要，但在時間性和必要性上必須從屬于健全國民經(jīng)濟(jì)的任務(wù)。我主張采取切合實際的政策，分清輕重緩急。我一定竭盡一切努力通過國際經(jīng)濟(jì)調(diào)整來恢復(fù)同世界各地的貿(mào)易，但是國內(nèi)的緊急狀況是等待不得貿(mào)易上的成就的。

國家復(fù)興的這些具體方法，其基本指導(dǎo)思想并不是狹隘的民族主義。我們首先考慮的是：堅持合眾國國內(nèi)的各種因素和合眾國各個部分之間的互相依靠——承認(rèn)美國拓荒精神的傳統(tǒng)的和永遠(yuǎn)重要的體現(xiàn)。這是復(fù)興的道路。這是直接的道路。這是復(fù)興得以持久的最有力的保證。

在對外政策方面，我認(rèn)為我國應(yīng)該奉行睦鄰政策——決心尊重自己，從而也尊重鄰國的權(quán)利——珍視自己的義務(wù)，也珍視與所有鄰國和全世界各國協(xié)議中所規(guī)定的神圣義務(wù)。

如果我對我國人民的情緒體會得正確，盡管我們過去在不能互相依靠時并不理解，我們現(xiàn)在則已經(jīng)理解到：我們不能只要有所得，也要有所貢獻(xiàn);我們要前進(jìn)，我們就必須像一支訓(xùn)練有素而忠誠的軍隊那樣，為了共同的紀(jì)律而樂意有所犧牲，因為沒有這樣的紀(jì)律就不可能前進(jìn)，就不可能實現(xiàn)有效的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)。

我相信我們愿意并且準(zhǔn)備為這樣的紀(jì)律獻(xiàn)出我們的生命和財產(chǎn)，因為，只有實現(xiàn)這樣的紀(jì)律，才能實現(xiàn)為了更高利益而奮斗的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)。我愿意提供這樣的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，保證使這些更高的目標(biāo)將作為一種神圣義務(wù)對我們大家都有所約束，從而產(chǎn)生只有戰(zhàn)時才出現(xiàn)過的共同責(zé)任感。

作了這項保證之后，我將無所顧忌地領(lǐng)導(dǎo)起我國人民組成的大軍，紀(jì)律井然地逐一解決我們的共同問題。

我們有從先輩那里繼承下來的政府形式，紀(jì)律井然地解決共同問題的行動是完全可能的。我們的憲法是簡明扼要的，總是可以根據(jù)特殊的需要而在重點和安排上有所改變，而無需動搖其基本形式。正是因為如此，我們的憲政才不愧為現(xiàn)代世界所產(chǎn)生的最穩(wěn)定持久的政治結(jié)構(gòu)。

它經(jīng)受了領(lǐng)土的極度擴(kuò)張、辛酸的內(nèi)戰(zhàn)、對外戰(zhàn)爭和國際關(guān)系的考驗。但愿正常的行政和立法分權(quán)完全足以應(yīng)付我們所面對的史無前例的重任。然而，史無前例的要求和迅即行動的需要也可能使我們有必要暫時背離正常分權(quán)的公開程序。

我準(zhǔn)備根據(jù)憲法賦予我的職責(zé)提出災(zāi)難深重的我國在當(dāng)前災(zāi)難深重的世界中所需要采取的措施。這些措施，以及國會根據(jù)其本身經(jīng)驗和明智所決定的措施，我都將竭盡憲法所賦予我的權(quán)力迅即予以采納。

然而，萬一國會竟不能接受兩類中之任一方式，萬一全國緊急狀況仍然嚴(yán)重，我也將決不回避職責(zé)明確向我提出的抉擇。我會要求國會準(zhǔn)許我使用應(yīng)付危機(jī)的唯一剩余的手段——向非常狀況開戰(zhàn)的廣泛行政權(quán)力，就像在實際遭受外部敵人入侵時所應(yīng)授予我的大權(quán)。

對于給予我的信任，我愿意拿出時代所要求于我的勇氣和堅貞。我絕不會有負(fù)眾望。

我們瞻望前途的艱苦時日，深感國家統(tǒng)一所給予我們的溫暖和勇氣，明確必須遵循傳統(tǒng)的寶貴道德觀念，堅信不分老幼克盡其責(zé)必能取得圓滿成功。我們務(wù)使國民生計獲得全面和長久的保證。

我們對基本民主的未來并未失去信念。合眾國的人民并未氣餒，在困難中，他們作為選民提出的要求是直接而有力的行動。他們要求的是有領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的紀(jì)律和方向，他們已經(jīng)選擇我來作為實現(xiàn)他們愿望的工具，我也是以這樣的精神來擔(dān)當(dāng)?shù)摹?/p>

值此全國奉獻(xiàn)之際，我們懇請上帝賜福。祝愿上帝保佑我們?nèi)w和每一個人。祝愿上帝指引我前進(jìn)。