羅斯福于1941年致美國國會的第八次國情咨文演講

羅斯福于1941年致美國國會的第八次國情咨文演講 英文版

The Four Freedoms

Delivered 6 January, 1941

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress，

I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these—the four-year war between the States—ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition—clear, definite opposition—to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.

That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914—ninety-nine years—no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.

Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world—assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the Congress information of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Australasia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere—yes, many times over.

In times like these it is immature—and, incidentally, untrue—for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion—or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the “ism” of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.

I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.

There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe—particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes—and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily—almost exclusively—to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

Our national policy is this:

First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all—inclusive national defense.

Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people’s freedom.

In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases—and, I am sorry to say, very important cases—we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today’s best is not good enough for tomorrow. I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done. No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

To give you two illustrations: We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up. We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun. I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have. I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons—a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense. For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

Let us say to the democracies: “We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever—increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge.” In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid—Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be. And when the dictators—if the dictators—are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part. They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war.

Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation’s hands must not be tied when the nation’s life is in danger.

Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency—almost as serious as war itself—demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need. A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group. The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for. The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:

Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

Jobs for those who can work.

Security for those who need it.

The ending of special privilege for the few.

The preservation of civil liberties for all.

The enjoyment—The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.

Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:

We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation. If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms. The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world. The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world. The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants—everywhere in the world. The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.

That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.

To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

羅斯福于1941年致美國國會的第八次國情咨文演講 中文版

四大自由

1941年1月6日

參議院議長、眾議院議長、第77屆國會的各位議員：

我向這屆新的國會議員發(fā)表的咨文是在美國歷史上史無前例的。我用“史無前例”這個詞是因為在以前任何時候美國的安全都沒有像今天這樣嚴重地受到外來威脅。

自1789年根據(jù)憲法建立起永久的政府后，我國歷史上大部分的危機時刻都關(guān)乎內(nèi)政。但幸運的是只有那次四年內(nèi)戰(zhàn)對我們的國家統(tǒng)一造成過威脅。感謝上帝，四十八個州的一億三千萬美國人民如今已經(jīng)忘卻了國家內(nèi)部的分歧。

在1914年以前，美國確實經(jīng)常受到其他幾個大陸所發(fā)生事件的干擾。為了維護美國的權(quán)力與堅持和平貿(mào)易，我們甚至一度陷入與歐洲國家的兩場戰(zhàn)爭以及與西印度群島、地中海和太平洋地區(qū)的多次不宣之戰(zhàn)之中。但沒有一次嚴重威脅到我們的國家安全或我們的繼續(xù)獨立。

我想要傳達的是一個歷史事實：當文明的進程已完成，美國作為一個國家在任何時間都明確地、堅決地反對任何將我們禁錮在古中國長城之后的企圖。今天，考慮到我們的孩子和他們的下一代，我們要對強制孤立我們或美洲其他地方予以反對。

過去的這些年里，比如在法國革命后的二十五年戰(zhàn)爭的早期，我們已表明決心。盡管因法國在西印度群島和路易斯安那的穩(wěn)固地位而使拿破侖戰(zhàn)爭威脅到了美國的利益，盡管我們?yōu)榫S護美國和平貿(mào)易的權(quán)利而卷入了1812年的戰(zhàn)爭，但顯然法國、英國或其他任何國家都沒打算統(tǒng)治全世界。

同樣的，自1815年至1914年這九十九年中，歐洲或亞洲沒有一個戰(zhàn)爭對我們或美洲其他國家的將來真正造成威脅。

除了在墨西哥的馬西米連諾，沒有外強企圖在這個半球確立自己的地位。而且英國艦隊在大西洋的兵力一直以來都較溫和，現(xiàn)在仍然是。

即使當1914年世界戰(zhàn)爭爆發(fā)時，他們似乎對我們美國未來的威脅也很小。但隨著時間的推移，我們還記得，美國人民也開始設(shè)想民主國家的垮臺對我們國家的民主制度意味著什么。

我們不必過分強調(diào)《凡爾賽和約》的不足之處。我們也不必喋喋不休地談?wù)撁裰鲊覠o法解決國際重建的問題。我們應(yīng)該牢記，早在慕尼黑會議之前就有了和解，而1919年的停戰(zhàn)協(xié)議遠比那個公平得多。暴政新秩序的觸角如今企圖伸向每個大陸，在這種情況下，那樣的和解還在繼續(xù)。美國人民堅決反對那樣的暴政。

我想每一個現(xiàn)實主義者都知道，民主的生活方式此刻正在世界各地遭受著直接攻擊，或被武力攻擊，或被秘密散布的惡毒言論攻擊。那些人企圖制造分裂，在和平國家中挑撥離間。漫長的十六個月以來，這種進攻已在為數(shù)眾多的大小獨立國家中摧毀了整個民主的生活方式。攻擊者仍步步逼近，威脅著其他大大小小的國家。

因此，作為總統(tǒng)，我要履行憲法規(guī)定的職責(zé)，向國會報告聯(lián)邦的情況。我必須很遺憾地報告：我們國家和民主制度的前途和安全已和遠在我國邊界之外發(fā)生的事件休戚相關(guān)。

四大洲的人民正為保衛(wèi)民主制度的生存，而英勇地進行武裝保衛(wèi)戰(zhàn)。如果這場保衛(wèi)戰(zhàn)失敗，那么征服者將占有歐洲、亞洲、非洲與澳大拉西亞的所有人口和一切資源。我們要記住，這四大洲的總?cè)丝诤唾Y源遠遠超過整個西半球的人口和資源的總和多好幾倍。

在這樣的時期，美國毫無準備，猶如一只手被綁在了背后。要是任何人吹噓說這樣的美國可以對抗全世界，那么他就是幼稚的，也是隨口說說不可信的。

任何現(xiàn)實的美國人都不會指望從獨裁者的和平中得到國際的寬容，或恢復(fù)真正的獨立，或世界裁軍，或言論自由，或信仰自由，或公平貿(mào)易。這種和平絕不會給我們和鄰國帶來安全。那些為了一時安全而甘愿放棄基本自由的人是不配得到自由和安全的。

作為一個國家，我們可以自詡自己的仁慈;但是，我們卻不能頭腦糊涂。我們必須時時刻刻提防那些說空話、大肆宣傳綏靖主義的人。我們必須特別提防要把美國國徽上的白頭海雕的翅膀剪下來裝飾自己巢穴的一小撮自私的人。

最近我曾指出，現(xiàn)代戰(zhàn)爭能很快將武力攻擊蔓延到我國。如果獨裁國家打贏了這場戰(zhàn)爭，我們就必須意識到武力攻擊總有一天會到來。

有些人閑聊說，我們不會立即受到來自海外直接的入侵。顯然，只要英國海軍維持現(xiàn)有力量，受到入侵的危險就不會存在。即使沒有英國海軍，在未奪得可用于發(fā)動攻擊的戰(zhàn)略基地之前，也不太可能有敵軍愚蠢到跨越幾千里重洋登陸美國來襲擊我們。

但是，我們從歐洲的過去幾年中得到了很多教訓(xùn)，特別是挪威，挪威所有的重要海港都是被敵人連續(xù)多年步步為營設(shè)下的詭計和出其不意的進攻奪去的。要入侵這個半球的第一步不是派遣普通部隊，關(guān)鍵策略的要點在于先讓特務(wù)和他們的偽裝人員滲入，他們中的大部分已經(jīng)在這里和拉丁美洲了。只要侵略國保持攻勢，發(fā)動攻擊的時間、地點和方法將由他們而不由我們來選擇。

所以，美洲各個共和國的前途如今面臨著嚴重的危險。所以，這次的年度國會咨文在我國歷史上獨一無二。所以，政府行政部門的每名官員和國會的每名議員都要責(zé)無旁貸、背負重任。當務(wù)之急是我們的行動和政策都必須以應(yīng)對這場外來危險為首要的甚至唯一的任務(wù)。因為我們所有的國內(nèi)問題現(xiàn)在都成為這場重大危機的一部分。

我們在內(nèi)政方面的國家政策從來都以適度尊重國內(nèi)所有國民的權(quán)利和尊嚴為基礎(chǔ)。同樣，外交上的國家政策也一直以適度尊重所有大小國家的權(quán)利和尊嚴為基礎(chǔ)。道德的正義最終必須而且一定會勝利。

我們的國策是：

第一，我們根據(jù)明確表達的公意，不分黨派，致力于全面的國防。

第二，我們根據(jù)明確表達的公意，不分黨派，致力于對世界各地堅決抵抗侵略而使我們半球免受戰(zhàn)禍的人民給予全力支持。我們以此來表達對民主事業(yè)必將勝利的決心，我們以此來加強本國的國防和安全。

第三，我們根據(jù)明確表達的公意，不分黨派，堅持我們的觀點，即以道德的原則和對我們本身安全的考慮將絕不容許我們默認侵略者所強加的和綏靖主義者所提倡的那種和平。我們知道，持久的和平絕不能以犧牲別國人民的自由來換取。

在最近的一次大選中，兩大黨派就國家政策而言沒有實質(zhì)上的分歧。在美國選民面前也沒有就這條政治路線發(fā)生分歧?，F(xiàn)在足可證明全美公民都要求并支持立刻完全投入到應(yīng)對重大危機的行動中去。

因此，我們亟需迅速強勁地增加軍備的生產(chǎn)。工業(yè)和勞動部門的官員們已經(jīng)響應(yīng)了我們的號召。他們設(shè)定了目標產(chǎn)量完成的時間。有一些部門提前完成了任務(wù)，還有一些在規(guī)定的時間內(nèi)完成了任務(wù)，另外其他的一些完成任務(wù)的時間雖然有些滯后但不是很嚴重。但是，我必須遺憾地說我們?nèi)匀皇謸?dān)心一些重要的生產(chǎn)任務(wù)無法在計劃的時間內(nèi)完成。

盡管陸軍和海軍在過去一年取得了巨大的進步。每天都在提升經(jīng)驗和改進生產(chǎn)方式。但是今天的最好對于明天仍然是不夠的。我對目前取得的進步仍然是不滿意的。項目的負責(zé)人們被認為是在訓(xùn)練和能力方面最優(yōu)秀的人以及最具有愛國主義精神的人，他們對目前所取得的進展不滿意。在所有的項目完成之前，我們?nèi)魏稳硕疾粫M意。無論原先的目標是設(shè)定的太高或者太低了，我們的目的都是為了更好更快地完成任務(wù)。

下面我將給你們列出兩個例子：我們在飛機制造任務(wù)的完成進度上滯后了。于是為了趕工，我們夜以繼日地工作并解決了無數(shù)的難題。我們在戰(zhàn)艦的建造的任務(wù)上已經(jīng)超前了，但是我們會繼續(xù)努力使任務(wù)完成的時間更加超前。

將整個國家的生產(chǎn)從和平時期的產(chǎn)量要求提升到戰(zhàn)爭時期的要求不是一項簡單的任務(wù)。最大的困難就在于項目的初期，因為那時必須首先建造新的工具，新的工廠設(shè)備，新的生產(chǎn)線，新的造船臺，之后才會有源源不斷的產(chǎn)品從中輸出來。

當然，國會必須時刻知曉項目的進度。但是國會也能夠認識到對于一些關(guān)乎我國和其他盟國安全的信息則必須要保密。

新的國際環(huán)境對我們國家的安全提出了新的要求。我要求國會大量增加撥款并且授權(quán)政府繼續(xù)實施已經(jīng)開展了的項目。我還想要求國會的授權(quán)和撥付充足的資金用于制造各種各樣的軍需品，并將其交給那些正在與侵略者交戰(zhàn)的國家。我們最有效和最直接援助他們的方法即是充當他們和我們自己的兵工廠。他們不需要人力，但是他們需要數(shù)十億美元的用于防衛(wèi)的武器。

可能到時候他們無力用現(xiàn)金償還。我們不能也不會告訴他們，僅僅是因為現(xiàn)在無法支付這些對于他們很必要的武器，他們就必須要向侵略者投降。我不建議為他們提供購買這些武器貸款——將來他們要償還的貸款。我建議讓這些國家持續(xù)地從美國獲得戰(zhàn)略物資，并且將他們的訂單擬入我國的生產(chǎn)項目中。因為一旦時機來臨，他們所有的戰(zhàn)略物資都會用于防衛(wèi)我們自己的國家。

通過咨詢軍事專家們，綜合考慮最有效的防御方案，我們可以決定需要留下多少武器裝備，有多少可以被送到國外支援我們的友國，正是由于他們堅決英勇的抵抗，我們才能有足夠的時間準備國防。我們捐獻給友國的戰(zhàn)備物資最終會得到回報，這種回報即是在敵人來臨之前我們將有足夠的時間，也可能是以同樣的物資或他們能夠生產(chǎn)而且我們又需要的其他各種物資。

讓我們告訴民主國家們：我們美國人十分關(guān)注你們捍衛(wèi)自由的斗爭，我們將盡全力為你們提供物質(zhì)和軍隊，幫助你們維護自由世界。我們將送給你們無數(shù)的艦船、飛機、坦克和槍炮。那是我們的目的也是我們的承諾。為了實現(xiàn)這一目的，我們不會懼怕獨裁者的威脅。他們認為我們這種援助其他抵抗侵略民主國家的行為是違反國際法的，或者說是戰(zhàn)爭行為。 這樣的援助并不是戰(zhàn)爭行為，只是獨裁者們單方面地這樣認為。而且如果當獨裁者們準備對我們發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭了，他們不會等到我們先發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭。他們沒有等挪威比利時和荷蘭先發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭。

他們唯一的興趣即是建立單向的國際法，這樣的國際法由于缺乏相互性而成為了他們壓迫其他國家的工具。未來美國人民的幸福取決于我們的援助是否及時有效。沒有人能告訴我們可能面臨怎樣的緊急情況。這個國家的生命在受到威脅時，一定不要綁縛住雙手。

是的，在如戰(zhàn)爭一樣緊急的情況下，我們所有的人必須準備做出必要的犧牲。任何阻礙我們進行快速有效國防的事情都必須讓道給國家的需要。一個自由的國家有權(quán)希望各個群體之間的全面合作。一個自由的國家有權(quán)期望商業(yè)、勞動力、農(nóng)業(yè)領(lǐng)域的領(lǐng)袖帶頭努力，不是在其他的行業(yè)，而是在他們自己的行業(yè)中。對于那些懶漢和麻煩制造者們，最好的方法即是通過愛國主義的事例羞辱他們。如果那都不起作用，那就是用政府的權(quán)利來拯救政府。

正如人們不能只依靠面包生活，他們也不能只依靠武器進行戰(zhàn)斗。那些保衛(wèi)國家和支持保衛(wèi)國家的人們還必須要有精力和勇氣。這些精力和勇氣應(yīng)該來自于他們對他們所捍衛(wèi)的生活方式的堅定信仰。我們所呼吁的強有力的行為，不應(yīng)該是基于棄所有值得奮斗的事情于不顧。在讓人民意識到他們在保衛(wèi)美國的民主生活中所需要做的事情的方面，這個國家對于我們十分滿意，并且從中獲得了力量。這些事情讓人們開始緊張起來，重新激發(fā)了他們的信仰，加強了他們對于所要保護的國家的奉獻。

當然我們所有的人在這個時候都不應(yīng)該停止思考作為社會革命根源的經(jīng)濟問題。社會革命是造成當今世界格局的首要因素。因為一個富強的民主政權(quán)的基礎(chǔ)應(yīng)該是沒有什么神秘的。

人民所希冀的政治和經(jīng)濟體系都很簡單，他們包括：

年輕人與其他人群平等的機會。

所有可勞動的人都可以得到工作。

需要安全的人可以得到安全。

終結(jié)少數(shù)人的特權(quán)。

所有的人享有公民自由。

享受科技進步的成果所帶來的增長的生活水平。

這些簡單基礎(chǔ)的東西是在當今錯綜復(fù)雜的世界中絕不可缺少的。我們的政治和經(jīng)濟系統(tǒng)中內(nèi)在的和持久的力量就是取決于對人民這些期望的完成程度。

許多與社會經(jīng)濟相關(guān)聯(lián)的項目都需要立即得到改善。例如：

我們需要將更多的老年人納入到養(yǎng)老保險和失業(yè)保險的體系中。

我們應(yīng)該開放醫(yī)療保險的機會。

我們應(yīng)該計劃一個更好的體系，通過這個體系那些想要或應(yīng)該獲得工作的人都可以獲得工作。

我已經(jīng)向國民號召進行個人奉獻了，而且我很肯定的是美國人民都會很愿意響應(yīng)我的號召。一部分的奉獻意味著將更多的收入用于繳稅。在預(yù)算方面，我建議應(yīng)該將這些多征收的稅收用于大的國防項目的一部分開支，沒有人應(yīng)該會嘗試著或被允許通過該項目發(fā)財。所繳納稅收應(yīng)該與支付能力相符合的繳稅原則將繼續(xù)指導(dǎo)著我們的立法。如果國會能夠遵循這些原則，那么那些將愛國主義置于經(jīng)濟利益之上的選民們將會為你們鼓掌。

在未來的日子里，我們將努力謀求安全，期待著一個建立在人類四種基本自由之上的世界來臨。第一是在世界各地都有言論和表達的自由。第二是在世界各地人人都能以自己的方式崇拜上帝的自由。第三是免于匱乏的自由。這從全世界來說，指經(jīng)濟上的和諧，保證全世界每個國家的居民生活在健康與和平的時期。第四是免于恐懼的自由。這從世界范圍來說，指全世界的軍備裁減，以達到全世界任何國家都完完全全沒有能力對其鄰國發(fā)起武裝侵略的程度。

這不是對一個遙遠的幸福時代的夢想。這是我們這個時代、我們這一代人可以實現(xiàn)的一種世界的必須基礎(chǔ)。這種世界與獨裁者企圖用炸彈建立起來的所謂暴政的“新秩序”完全相反。

我們提出一種更偉大的理念——道德秩序來反對那種新秩序。一個完善的社會同樣可以毫不畏懼地應(yīng)對世界統(tǒng)治和國外革命的陰謀。

美國有史以來，我們一直都致力于變革，一種長久的和平革命。這種革命隨著環(huán)境的變化而悄無聲息地不斷自我調(diào)節(jié)，再沒有集中營，也不用生石灰填溝壑。我們所追求的世界秩序是自由國家在一個友好、文明的社會里互相合作，共同努力。

我們國家已將自己的命運放在億萬自由男女的手中、腦中和心中，把對自由的信仰交由上帝指引。自由意味著處處人權(quán)至上，我們支持那些為獲得和維護這些權(quán)利而奮斗的人們。我們的力量在于我們有共同的目標。

為這個崇高的信念而奮斗，不達勝利，誓不罷休。