異類之不一樣的成功啟示錄 第117期:成功源自優(yōu)勢的不斷積累
與此相反，在正常情況下南方人非常恭敬，在九英尺以上的距離就會讓路；
But if they had just been insulted? Less than two feet.
但如果他們受到了侮辱，他們至少會走近對方兩英尺以內(nèi)，然后才讓開。
Call a southerner an asshole, and he's itching for a fight.
如果對一個南方人說“混蛋”，他就會想要與你打架。
What Cohen and Nisbett were seeing in that long hall was the culture of honor in
action:在那個長長的大廳里，科恩和尼斯貝特看到的是榮譽文化的表現(xiàn)：
the southerners were reacting like Wix Howard did when Little Bob Turner accused him of cheating at poker.
像當(dāng)年小鮑勃·特納指責(zé)威克斯·霍華德在打牌時作弊一樣，南方人作出了威克斯·霍華德那樣的反應(yīng)。
That study is strange, isn't it?
這項研究很奇怪，對嗎？
It's one thing to conclude that groups of people living in circumstances pretty similar to their ancestors act a lot like their ancestors.
我們得出這樣的結(jié)論，當(dāng)人們的環(huán)境與其祖先的生存環(huán)境非常相似時，他們的行為也和其祖先相似。
But those southerners in the hallway study weren't living in circumstances similar to their British ancestors.
但是，走廊里南方人的學(xué)習(xí)生活環(huán)境與其英國祖先不盡相同。
They didn't even necessarily have British ancestors.
甚至，他們的祖先不一定是英國人。
They just happened to have grown up in the South.
他們只不過剛巧在南方長大，
None of them were herdsmen.
他們都不是牧民。
Nor were their parents herdsmen.
他們的父母也不是牧民
They were living in the late twentieth century, not the late nineteenth century.
他們生活在二十世紀(jì)后期，而不是十九世紀(jì)末期。
They were students of the University of Michigan, in one of the northernmost States in America, which meant that they were sufficiently cosmopolitan to travel hundreds of miles from the south to go to college.
他們是在在美國最北端的密歇根大學(xué)學(xué)習(xí)，這意味著他們從南面千里迢迢地來到北方上大學(xué)。
And none of that mattered.
這一點并不重要。
They still acted like they were living in nineteenth-century Harlan, Kentucky.
他們的行為仍然好比生活在十九世紀(jì)的肯塔基州哈蘭一樣。
"Your median student in these studies comes from a family making over a hundred thousand dollars, and that's in nineteen-ninety dollars," Cohen says.
“參與實驗的有來自10萬美元資產(chǎn)的富裕家庭的學(xué)生，這是1990年的美元，”科恩說。
"The southerners we see this effect with aren't kids from the hills of Appalachia.
“我們看到，受此影響的那些南方孩子并非來自阿巴拉契亞山，
They are more likely to be the sons of upper-middle management Coco-Cola executives in Atlanta.
他們更像是那些在亞特蘭大可口可樂公司任職中上層管理人員的兒子，
And that's the big question.
這就引起了一個很大的疑問。
Why should we get this effect with them?
我們?yōu)槭裁吹玫竭@樣的結(jié)果？
Why should one get it hundreds of years later?
為什么在數(shù)百年后才得出結(jié)果？
Why are these suburban-Atlanta kids acting out the ethos of the frontier?"
為什么這些亞特蘭大郊區(qū)的孩子傳承了邊遠地帶的性格？”
Cultural legacies are powerful forces.
遺留下來的文化充滿巨大的力量。
They have deep roots and long lives.
它們有深遠的根基并影響久遠。
They persist, generation after generation, virtually intact, even as the economic and social and demographic conditions that spawned them have vanished,
它們不斷堅持，靠著一代又一代人傳承，這種文化幾乎完好無損。即使當(dāng)人們賴以生存的經(jīng)濟、社會和人口條件消失的時候，
and they play such a role in directing attitudes and behavior that we cannot make sense of our world without them.
他們依然在人們的態(tài)度和行為中發(fā)揮著重要的指導(dǎo)作用。沒有這些文化，我們無法想象世界會是怎樣。
So far in Outliers we've seen that success arises out of the steady accumulation of advantages: when and where you were born, and what your parents did for a living,
到目前為止，我們已經(jīng)從本書中看到，成功源自優(yōu)勢的不斷積累：你出生在何時何地，你父母的職業(yè)
and what the circumstances of your upbringing were like all make a significant difference in how well you do in the world.
以及你成長的環(huán)境，這三者互相作用才塑造出這個世界上獨特的你。
The question for the second part of Outliers is whether the traditions and attitudes we inherit from our forebears can play the same role.
本書第二部分的問題是，時至今日，我們從祖先那里繼承到的傳統(tǒng)和態(tài)度是否依然在發(fā)揮同樣的作用。
Can we learn something about how people succeed and how to make people better at what they do by taking culture legacy seriously?
通過學(xué)習(xí)別人成功的原因，通過認真思考文化遺產(chǎn)的繼承，我們是否可以獲得更多，以便把事情做得更好？
I think we can.
我認為我們可以。
